It is easy to see why things have gone so wrong for the government, which is now celebrating its first anniversary with a low champagne factor. As news can show in the case “A year of crisis management”, Støre’s government has been dogged by crises and unforeseen events that have made it difficult to govern. They have had a drop in the measurements which must be painful to watch, and which have stuck at a very low level. Add two parties which, after eight years in opposition, have created expectations they cannot fulfill, and a finance minister who in one year has gone through the politician’s version of “Extreme transformation”. An equally interesting question is what Støre’s crew themselves have done to deserve the unsought-after title of “Norwegian champion in government wear”. Many have quoted the former British Prime Minister Harold MacMillan when he was asked what was the most difficult thing about being Prime Minister: Events, my dear boy, events. It is not without reason that this has become something of a household name in management circles. The simple thing is to do what you have planned. But then reality comes and bites you a certain place. Several have pointed out that the crisis management and leadership of Støre’s government have some obvious weaknesses. Little management experience and crisis management When Støre presented his crew in the castle square, a surprising number of new, fresh names appeared as ministers. Nor were many with extensive government experience brought in for the corps of advisers and state secretaries. Where former Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg was criticized in his time for neglecting the subsequent growth in the party and leaning too much on a core of experienced politicians, Støre is accused of having gone in the opposite direction. Many have believed that a lack of management experience has contributed to the government making many rookie mistakes. The handling of the divorce case in Søgne and Kristiansand, and the “budget slip” Ocean Space Center in Trondheim, are examples of cases that obviously suffered from poor anchoring and that the explosive power of small cases was underestimated. The way they handled the pre-Christmas outbreak of the pandemic and rising electricity prices suggested they were ill-prepared. More remarkable was that they appeared equally unprepared when electricity support for businesses became a topic this autumn. And once the seriousness was realised, they struggled to communicate a safe and clear message. A recurring criticism is that the government seems backward and inefficient. It is a point the opposition has used every opportunity to poke at. The handling of the departures of ministers Hadia Tajik (Ap) and Odd Roger Enoksen (Sp), and Storting president Eva Kristin Hansen (Ap) is used as an example of weak crisis management. Here the cases were allowed to play out in the media without apparently any action being taken. Are there signs of improvement? That’s the advantage of getting older. The government (hopefully) learns from its mistakes and becomes a little more experienced with each passing day. Many have probably forgotten that a lot of strange things also happened in Erna Solberg’s first year in government. Surrounded by enemies There was internal jubilation in the entire Center Party and half of the Labor Party when Audun Lysbakken and the other Swedes packed their briefcases and left the negotiations at Hurdal. Now they got their dream government which could elegantly spin around in a kind of political centre. Little did they know that the prospect of slaloming in powder snow at the Storting ended up in a northerly wind from all sides. Criticism from the left has been just as harsh as from the opposition on the right. When the first state budget was presented, LO raged over the lack of holiday pay for the unemployed, while SV was furious that support for spectacles for children was not introduced. And that’s basically how it has continued. The government has appeared lonely, friendless and without anyone to defend itself. Klassekampen’s political editor Bjørgulv Braanen is among those who have used this as an important explanation for why the government is struggling. The relationship with LO has been a headache. They have been clear critics in many cases, and it was also LO that put the final stop to Hadia Tajik as minister. Are there signs of improvement? Last week, the government presented its first self-produced state budget. Now they could no longer blame the Conservative government, and the reactions were also turned on their heads. The right-wing and the business community were in revolt, while the tax increase of 45 billion was celebrated as historically redistributive on the left. SV and Red were a shadow of themselves. Although they wanted more of the good, they had to admit that this was a step in the right direction. In LO, the discussion is about how much and how loudly they should shout at the government. The fear is that it could help to strengthen the right. At the same time, it is important for LO to show that they are not in Støre’s pocket. In employment policy, too, the government has provoked many after calling for a major clean-up. Four employers’ associations called it “tarnishing Norwegian working life”. Now the opportunity lies in establishing the government as a clearer left-wing project with a clear sting against the private sector and the right. Although it is not without considerable risk for either Ap or Sp, which have traditionally been concerned with staying inside the business world and finding a balance between the public and private sectors. Støre and Vedum left Hurdalsjøen without SV on the team. What they thought could be slaloming in powder snow at the Storting ended with northerly winds from all sides. Photo: news Weak communication and lack of storytelling The job is not done until it has also been communicated, is there something called. Several have pointed out that the government has had poor success in explaining and drawing a higher sky above its policy. They have lacked a Sigbjørn Aanes-like figure (Erna Solberg’s former spin doctor) who has had the job of spinning a story about the direction they want to take the country, one must lend an ear to, among others, commentator Emil André Erstad in Vårt Land. Are there signs of improvement? It is a hint that the government has taken to the very highest degree, and some would perhaps say that they have ended up in the opposite ditch. In recent months, we have seen something that most of all reminds us of spin doctors on speed. So effective have they been in turning down expectations and telling how painful and difficult the national budget would be, that one would think the Black Death was on its way back. The astonishment was therefore great when it was discovered that “crisis economy in Norwegian” meant that both Stad ship tunnel, free kindergarten in Nord-Troms and Finnmark, reduced fuel taxes, free ferries and a new airport in Bodø were something we as a country could afford. There is also a marked change in the government parties’ communication. Whatever the question may be, the answer now reads “it’s a tight budget” and “these are challenging times in Europe”. The Støre mythology Few Norwegian politicians are surrounded by more myths and stories about their character and leadership than Jonas Gahr Støre. They range from the image of a statesman and a rare talent to being wobbly, weak and “melting like soft ice cream”, as Dagens Næringsliv’s political editor Frithjof Jacobsen wrote after the government negotiations in Hurdal. Political editor Eirik Mosveen in Avisa Oslo has referred to Støre as a talent completely out of the ordinary, but at the same time as a political leader “a mystery of the rare”. The criticism against Støre is often about the fact that he is not detail-oriented and “hands on”, that he avoids conflicts, is not responsive to criticism and also does not surround himself with people who offer resistance and fill in his weaknesses. On the other hand, many people talk about the fact that he listens and gives room, that he trusts people and delegates more and that it is more fun to work for Støre than the more rigid but well-oiled Stoltenberg regime. Are there signs of improvement? It has been repeated ad nauseam that Støre did not function as opposition leader, but that his strengths will come into their own as prime minister. Even though a year has passed, there are few who dare to put two lines under that answer yet. It’s a bit like Støre himself, who, when asked by NTB whether the first year has been fun, replies that “that’s not the word that comes to me, really”. The party isn’t over. It hasn’t even started. And maybe there is some cake left.
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