It was supposed to be the day to look ahead. To take charge. To create buzz and enthusiasm over eager first-timers who were ready to get down to business. New names to showcase, new faces that the party could be proud of. Støre should once again show renewal, rejuvenation, build teams for the future and lift up the Utøya generation. But then it didn’t quite go as planned, nevertheless. Once again, he was forced to take a major step that he himself did not really want. Once again, an external crisis case came and interfered with his plans. Once again, there was a bit of double communication that overshadowed the main message. Balancing and double communication It can be demanding to keep up with the twists and turns when Støre has to justify the spectacular wrecking of Anniken Huitfeldt as foreign minister. Is it about Erna Solberg and the share case, or not? No, but yes, the answer seems to be. Is he firing Huitfeldt against her will to – an understatement – hint to the Right to do the same with Solberg? It would be a strangely high stake out of his control, if this was a stated goal. That’s why he obviously doesn’t say anything about it. But it is conceivable that there will be an effect. Støre now just has to see what happens with the competency cases and not least the voters’ trust. He has done his part, this is what he can – but must not – do. He did so and thus showed leadership. The firing of Huitfeldt in any case gives dynamism to the further handling of the competency cases and not least the public conversation about the seriousness of the cases. He will, also with regard to Anniken Huitfeldt, give a justification that is about: That he brings in a new and younger climate minister. The competence cases are still in the Storting. The cases will take time and affect Huitfeldt’s concentration and capacity at a time that requires extra attention to foreign policy. The Solberg case affects the severity and duration of the Huitfeldt case, fair or not. The Huitfeldt case influenced the voters’ view of Ap in the election campaign and Ap’s support in the local council elections. As prime minister and leader of the Labor Party, Støre will take his share of the responsibility for restoring trust in politics in general. Støre refuses to answer the hypothetical, but far from irrelevant, question: Would Huitfeldt be able to remain in government, if it were not for the Solberg case. All indications are that the answer to that is yes. But he won’t say that. He would rather talk about how difficult the election has been. How it has grown on him in recent weeks and is a necessity, not a desire. Messy process It is not surprising that the government team is adjusted after a half-finished race. All of Støre’s changes so far have taken place after crisis cases. Now he was finally to make a comprehensive change according to his own management. But it is also strongly characterized by crisis: Because if Huitfeldt was not really going to resign as foreign minister, Bjelland Eriksen was not really going to become climate minister either. Then the need to remove Fisheries Minister Bjørnar Skjæran in favor of Cecilie Myrseth out of consideration for Ap’s gender cabal would also have disappeared. So how many of these changes are actually proactive and wanted by Støre himself? It can’t possibly be everyone. The biggest and most talked about move is, after all, highly involuntary. Støre is also affected by the fact that the internal and public conversation about the offensive move to change the crew is tainted by an open seminar and much criticism of Støre’s process along the way. It contributes to unwanted friction in the party apparatus. This process has been unnecessarily messy on the part of the government. At the same time, Støre is open that all the ministers who have resigned have done so against their will. It emphasizes once again that Støre himself has had to make choices and stand for them and through that shows leadership. Although showing leadership also requires anchoring and showing understanding for the decisions in a way that makes the team move in a united herd afterwards. Støre may not be able to do that. Jonas Gahr Støre during the press conference where he answered questions about the crew change. Photo: Alf Simensen / news What Stoltenberg did not do Støre is concerned that he has put together a young but experienced team. He is right about that. He is also doing something that his predecessor Jens Stoltenberg did to a lesser extent: Støre is building a new generation that will benefit the party even after he has finished. The average age of the Labor ministers who retired on 16 October 2013 was 52 years. Today’s Labor ministers are on average 45 years old. The average age of the four new Labor ministers is 37 years. The three who reluctantly return to the Storting are 53 years old on average. With this, Jonas Gahr Støre is doing an important, long-term job for the party: He is building expertise in people who can be important for Ap. Perhaps it is needed as a result of a re-election in 2025. Perhaps it is Støre’s successor who needs politicians with government experience in 2029. Espen Barth Eide and Tonje Brenna will remain in government, but change ministries. Photo: Alf Simensen / news Climate and digitization Among today’s newcomers are climate and environment minister Andreas Bjelland Eriksen and digitization and administration minister Karianne Tung. Both face a steep learning curve in coordinating policy areas they depend on the efforts of other sectors to achieve their own success. Cross-sectoral governance is the most demanding, which is precisely why it is an exciting choice to give two fresh ministers the task. The post of climate minister has become more complex in the last decade. The space is a demanding balancing act in the crossfire between climate measures in everyday life and public support. Industrial development and energy policy. Greenhouse gas emissions can oppose traditional nature conservation. The Center Party often opposes the Labor Party. The environmental movement often opposes the government. Eriksen must first negotiate internally in government, then with SV in the Storting. Climate policy is largely international. All in all, it is an extensive portfolio for a new national politician. The climate targets will only be reached if other sectors do as climate politicians and agencies say. The same with much of Tung’s portfolio. The Prime Minister highlighted e-health as an example. An important area where Tung’s sector must interact with the Minister of Health’s sector much better than today. Not to mention the municipal sector for which Erling Sande (Sp) is responsible. Separating digitization and public administration and giving coordination responsibility to one person is, in any case, a brave and forward-looking choice by a head of government. Renewal, rejuvenation and experience. Bold choice. There is a lot that Støre deserved to be promoted today. In the short term, the super swaps are almost a lost opportunity. The effect is reduced. It drowns symptomatically enough in all understandable spotlights on a matter Støre himself did not want. Something that seems to haunt Støre’s leadership.
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Super switch with reduced effect – Speech
